German MEP warns that AfD surge reflects deeper failures in policy and social cohesion — UnionPress

Damian Boeselager argues that the Alternative for Germany's rise is driven by stagnant wages, demographic pressures and a lack of bold reforms, and calls for a European federation to counter populist drift.

Damian Boeselager, a German Member of the European Parliament and founder of the pan‑European Volt party, warned on Thursday that the growing popularity of the far‑right Alternative for Germany (AfD) is not a simple protest vote but a symptom of deeper structural problems in German politics and the wider European model.

Recent opinion polls put the AfD on a trajectory to capture between 27 and 29 percent of the vote in the next federal election, overtaking the centre‑right Christian Democratic Union/Christian Social Union (CDU/CSU) led by Chancellor Friedrich Merz. Boeselager, who has been campaigning for a European federation as a bulwark against nationalist populism, said the numbers expose a "categorical mistake" in assuming that locking political leaders in a castle will automatically produce good outcomes.

Boeselager traced the AfD's surge to a combination of demographic change, stagnant real wages and a perception that the economic system favours inheritance over effort. "Most of the working generation now faces an ageing society that pushes up health‑care and pension costs," he explained. "Real wages are not rising; in many sectors they are falling. That makes it almost impossible for a hard‑working family to save or build wealth."

He argued that in Germany, wealth is still largely transmitted through family ties, inheritance or marriage into affluent families, rather than generated by upward mobility. "When people feel that they cannot improve on their parents' standard of living, they become vulnerable to radical messages that promise quick fixes," Boeselager said.

The MEP dismissed Slovak Prime Minister Robert Fico's claim that Germany's economy drags down the rest of Europe, calling it "a lack of economic understanding". While acknowledging Germany's pivotal role as Europe's largest market, Boeselager stressed that the country's growth model remains anchored in century‑old industries such as automotive and chemicals. "We have not succeeded in nurturing innovative start‑ups that could create the next wave of high‑value jobs," he noted.

He contrasted Germany's reliance on traditional sectors with the United States, where a handful of tech giants drive a large share of growth. "If you removed the five biggest US companies, growth would be near zero," Boeselager said, underscoring the need for Germany to diversify its industrial base.

Germany's long‑standing coalition governments, Boeselager argued, are built on compromise, which often dilutes the radical reforms many citizens now demand. "People are looking for a different kind of compromise, one that delivers tangible change rather than endless bargaining," he said.

He warned that the failure to enact decisive reforms on pensions, health‑care financing and labour market flexibility creates a "tension and unrest" that the AfD is adept at exploiting. "When the political class appears indecisive, the far‑right steps in with a simple, emotionally charged narrative," Boeselager observed.

According to Boeselager, the digital environment plays a decisive role in shaping voter attitudes. He recounted how more sensationalist, confrontational videos attract far more engagement than measured policy analysis. "Algorithms reward outrage, and that feeds a world view that is increasingly negative and extreme," he said.

The MEP pointed to his own experience on social platforms, noting that videos in which he "insulted and attacked the other side" generated far higher view counts than those offering balanced commentary. "That dynamic erodes social cohesion and pushes people toward the political extremes," he warned.

The AfD, Boeselager said, packages its platform around a "Germany first" market approach, promising to revive the economy by abandoning EU‑wide rules. Yet, when examined, the party's programme lacks concrete policy proposals. "They claim they can deliver great reforms, but the details simply do not make sense," he argued.

Beyond economics, the AfD leans heavily on an emotional appeal that blames immigrants for perceived social and economic woes. Boeselager cautioned that such scapegoating has historically led to dangerous outcomes, especially in a country still grappling with the legacy of the Nazi era.

Boeselager criticised the CDU/CSU for adopting anti‑migration language that mirrors the AfD's rhetoric. "It is a strategic mistake," he said. "It does not weaken the AfD; it normalises its discourse and offers no real solutions."

He outlined a four‑part framework for a nuanced migration policy: integration measures (decentralised housing, language courses, labour‑market entry), labour migration to address demographic shortages, internal security focused on drug‑related crime, and a re‑thought asylum system that balances humanitarian obligations with practical capacity.

According to Boeselager, the current political debate lumps all these distinct issues together, blaming a single group for a range of problems. "That oversimplification fuels the AfD's narrative that one community is responsible for everything," he warned.

Beyond policy specifics, Boeselager argued that Chancellor Merz and his government lack a forward‑looking vision for Germany and Europe. "A society without a positive narrative about its future is vulnerable to extremist messages," he said.

He stressed that a constructive vision must combine economic dynamism, social inclusion and a clear European outlook. "If the only answer you give is to blame a group, you are not offering a roadmap for improvement," Boeselager added.He highlighted the risk that the AfD could win an absolute majority in Saxony‑Anhalt this autumn, a historic first for a far‑right party in a German state since World War II. "Eastern Germany has long felt left behind, and the AfD has capitalised on that sense of neglect," he observed.

Boeselager, who co‑authored a petition urging the Authority for European Political Parties to assess whether the Europe of Sovereign Nations (ESN), the parliamentary group that includes the AfD and Slovakia's Republika, complies with EU fundamental values, said the move is essential to safeguard the Union's democratic core.

The independent authority was asked to examine whether the ESN respects democracy, the rule of law and human rights. Boeselager argued that allowing a group that openly flouts these principles to operate freely undermines the credibility of the European Parliament.

In the interview, Boeselager reiterated his belief that a stronger European federation would dilute the appeal of nationalist populism. "When citizens see that Europe can deliver social protection, investment in green technologies and a fair migration framework, the space for extremist narratives shrinks," he said.

He pointed to the EU's ability to pool resources for climate transition, digital infrastructure and cross‑border research as a model for collective problem‑solving that national governments alone struggle to achieve.

Trade unions across Germany have echoed Boeselager's concerns about wage stagnation and the need for a robust social safety net. The German Trade Union Confederation (DGB) warned that the AfD's rise could erode hard‑won workers' rights if anti‑union sentiment spreads.

Consumer organisations also warned that the AfD's market‑first rhetoric could lead to deregulation that harms ordinary households, especially in energy and housing markets already under pressure from inflation.

Meanwhile, civil‑society groups campaigning for climate justice have warned that the AfD's scepticism towards EU climate policies could jeopardise Germany's transition to renewable energy, threatening jobs in emerging green sectors.

Analysts note that the CDU/CSU's internal debate over whether to adopt a harder line on migration is a gamble. "If they move too far right, they risk alienating moderate voters; if they stay too centrist, they may appear out of touch with the frustrations that fuel the AfD," said a senior political scientist at the University of Bonn.

Opposition parties such as the Social Democrats (SPD) and the Greens have called for a "progressive coalition" that would combine stronger social policies with ambitious climate goals, hoping to reclaim voters disillusioned by the centre‑right's perceived inertia.

Boeselager concluded that the AfD's ascent is a warning sign rather than an inevitability. "If we address the root causes, stagnant wages, demographic pressure, lack of bold reforms and a coherent European vision, we can restore confidence in democratic politics," he said.

He urged the European Parliament to act swiftly on the request to review the ESN, and called on German parties to present a clear, inclusive programme that tackles economic inequality without resorting to scapegoating.

"The choice before German voters is stark," Boeselager warned. "Either we continue down a path that rewards division and short‑term populism, or we embrace a forward‑looking agenda that secures prosperity for all, within a united Europe."