Hungary election tests Orban's foreign alliances as Trump factor looms

Hungarians go to the polls on April 12 in what is shaping up to be the country's most genuinely contested election since Viktor Orban returned to power in 2010. The incumbent prime minister's Fidesz party faces a serious challenge from Tisza, a new formation led by Peter Magyar, a former Fidesz insider who turned against his old colleagues last year. Polling puts Orban roughly 12 percentage points behind among decided voters, a margin that would have been unthinkable even two years ago.

The campaign has already exposed a striking contradiction in how Fidesz treats foreign involvement. On January 16, Foreign Minister Peter Szijjarto summoned EU ambassadors in Budapest and told them they would "have a very, very difficult time in Budapest in the future" if they interfered in or questioned the legitimacy of the electoral process. The warning was posted on Facebook in Hungarian, then repeated in English by Szijjarto and government spokesman Zoltan Kovacs. Yet ten days earlier, at Fidesz's party congress, delegates watched a two-minute montage of endorsement videos from foreign leaders, Czechia's Andrej Babis, Italy's Georgia Meloni, Israel's Benjamin Netanyahu, and Italy's Deputy Prime Minister Matteo Salvini, who urged Hungarians: "If you want peace, vote for Fidesz."

The foreign endorsement that matters most, however, is the one that has not materialised. Speculation in Budapest has centred on whether Donald Trump's administration will intervene to help Orban close the polling gap. The White House's new National Security Strategy, published on December 4, uses language that mirrors Orban's own rhetoric: Europe faces a "stark prospect of civilizational erasure" from EU activity, migration, falling birth rates and loss of national identity. The document welcomes "the growing influence of patriotic European parties" and states that America's goal "should be to help Europe correct its trajectory", including "cultivating resistance to Europe's current trajectory within European nations."

Constanze Stelzenmüller of the Brookings Institution in Washington described that phrasing as amounting to "a policy of constitutional regime change." By logical extension, it could also imply a willingness to help incumbent allies retain power. But unlike a challenger party, Fidesz does not need campaign financing, it draws on state resources and dominates Hungary's media space. Any useful American help would have to be economic or symbolic.

Orban travelled to Washington in November seeking tangible economic support. He returned with a temporary reprieve from secondary US sanctions on Russian oil imports, a meaningful concession for Hungary's energy-dependent economy, but his claim to have secured an "economic shield" with US backing for the forint was publicly dismantled by Trump himself. In a December 9 interview with Politico, the US president said: "No, I didn't promise him, but he certainly asked for it." The rebuke was unusually direct for a relationship Orban has cultivated as a personal asset.

A US investment package for Hungary's struggling economy remains theoretically possible. Zoltan Ranschburg, a Budapest-based analyst, is sceptical: "Seeing how fruitless Orban's visit to Washington in November was, I doubt that any meaningful material support would arrive from the US in the period before the election." He adds the obligatory caveat: "Trump is of course famously unpredictable."

If economic leverage is limited, symbolic capital may be more readily available. The fifth annual Conservative Political Action Conference (CPAC), a MAGA-aligned gathering, is scheduled for March 21 in Budapest, notably earlier than previous years, which were held in April or May. The timing, just over three weeks before the election, suggests a deliberate connection. A Trump appearance would validate Orban's central campaign narrative: that a global regime change is underway, an "era of nations" has arrived, and he is uniquely qualified to navigate it thanks to relationships in Ankara, Beijing, Moscow and Washington.

Ranschburg argues such a visit would "encourage Fidesz's base and might convince some undecided voters that Orban has what it takes to lead Hungary in challenging times." It would also dominate the news cycle, making it harder for Magyar to get his message across. But the evidence of Trump's actual willingness remains thin. At the January 10 Fidesz congress, the only American endorsement came from television comedian Rob Schneider. No video arrived from Trump, Vice President J.D. Vance, or any administration official.

Orban attempted to paper over the absence by publishing a month-old letter from Trump the day before the congress. The Hungarian prime minister presented it as heralding a presidential visit to Budapest. On closer reading, the letter contains only an acknowledgment of Orban's invitation and a noncommittal line: "My team will be in touch with regards to my schedule." The gap between Orban's presentation and the text's substance was noticed immediately in Budapest political circles.

Fidesz has also made much of Trump's invitation for Hungary to join a 15-member "Board of Peace" supervising reconstruction in Gaza. The invitation was real, but it was extended to 59 other countries, a detail that received rather less prominence in government communications.

Not every observer believes the Trump administration has the bandwidth to influence the Hungarian outcome. Garvan Walshe, a research associate at the Martens Centre for European Studies in Brussels and former foreign policy adviser to the UK Conservative Party, argues that even if the White House wants to help, its capacity is constrained: "They're just too busy with internal unrest and external destabilisation to devote much effort to helping Orban." The assessment suggests that the administration's rhetorical alignment with Orban may not translate into operational support.

Walshe sees a different timeline for American significance. In his view, the true test comes after polling day: "If there's a disputed outcome, they [the Americans] are likely to either stand by Orban, or demand a huge and random price from others in exchange for making him stand down." That scenario, a contested result followed by external pressure, is one that Hungarian democrats and EU institutions alike have been war-gaming for months.

For all the speculation about foreign intervention, the election's structural dynamics remain overwhelmingly domestic. Fidesz controls the vast majority of national media, either directly or through allied oligarchs. State advertising revenue flows to friendly outlets. The election law, rewritten multiple times since 2010, advantages the largest party. Magyar's Tisza party, formed only in 2024, has had to build a national organisation from scratch while facing regulatory hurdles and hostile coverage. That Orban is trailing despite these advantages tells its own story about voter fatigue after 15 years of the same government.

Magyar's campaign has focused on corruption, the cost of living, and the deterioration of public services, particularly healthcare and education. He presents himself as a normal conservative who believes in the rule of law, a positioning designed to attract Fidesz voters alienated by the party's direction without frightening them with radical change. Whether that message can overcome the media asymmetry in six weeks is the central question of the campaign.

Fidesz · Tisza · White House · Brookings Institution · Martens Centre for European Studies · Conservative Political Action Conference

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