Hungary elects former supreme court chief András Baka as president amid constitutional overhaul — UnionPress
Parliament voted 140‑to‑6 for the legal scholar, a move that could reshape the balance of power in Viktor Orbán's Hungary.
András Baka, a former president of the Supreme Court and long‑time judge at the European Court of Human Rights, was elected president of Hungary on Tuesday after a secret ballot in the National Assembly. The 140 votes that secured his appointment came from the parliamentary group of the opposition coalition Tisza, which holds a two‑thirds majority.
The opposition parties Fidesz and KDNP abstained from the vote, while the six members of the far‑right Mi Hazánk party are believed to have voted against Baka. The result gives Baka a term that will last until a new constitution is adopted, but not longer than five years.
The election was the culmination of a rapid series of events that began when the Tisza coalition announced its intention to replace senior constitutional office‑holders appointed by Prime Minister Viktor Orbán's government. One of its first moves was to force the resignation of President Tamás Sulyok by inserting a constitutional amendment that effectively ended his mandate. Sulyok signed the amendment, ending his term and clearing the way for a new president.
Baka, born in 1952, earned his doctorate in law from the Faculty of Law at Eötvös Loránd University (ELTE) in 1978. He spent the next decade as a research fellow at the Institute for State and Legal Sciences of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences before becoming director‑general of the College of Public Administration in 1990. A brief stint as a member of parliament for the centre‑right Hungarian Democratic Forum followed, after which he was appointed Hungary's judge at the European Court of Human Rights, a post he held until 2008.
In 2009, with the backing of then‑opposition Fidesz and a proposal from President László Sólyom, Baka was elected president of the Supreme Court (later renamed the Kúria). His tenure was cut short in 2011 when the Orbán‑led government removed him under a controversial judicial reform. The European Court of Human Rights later ruled in 2016 that the dismissal breached Baka's freedom of expression and was unlawful. He remained on the Kúria bench as a judge until his recent election.
The Tisza coalition's decision to nominate Baka was not without internal debate. Prime Minister Péter Magyar initially suggested world‑renowned chess champion Judit Polgár for the role, a move that sparked criticism for bypassing consultation with the coalition and for proposing a candidate without a legal background. Polgár declined, prompting Magyar to apologise and the coalition to restart the selection process.
Magyar and his chief of staff Bálint Ruff reported three rounds of meetings with potential candidates, including lawyer Botond Fülöp, known for exposing a paedophile‑pardon scandal that led to the resignation of former president Katalin Novák and justice minister Judit Varga, historian Ignác Romsics, and finally Baka. The coalition weighed whether to pick a president who would act as a rubber stamp for the government or one who could serve as a constitutional counter‑weight.
According to political analyst Dániel Róna of the 21 Kutatóközpont research centre, the coalition could have chosen a more popular figure such as parliamentary speaker Ágnes Forsthoffer, but opted for Baka because his legal credentials and known criticism of Orbán's judicial reforms promised a more independent stance.
Hungary's rule‑of‑law record has been under intense scrutiny from the European Union and human‑rights organisations. The European Commission has repeatedly warned that the country's judicial reforms undermine judicial independence, a charge the Orbán government rejects as a sovereign matter.
Baka's election is being read by many observers as a signal that the opposition intends to restore at least a semblance of judicial autonomy. His past victory at the European Court of Human Rights suggests he may be willing to challenge government actions that breach European standards.
However, the president's powers in Hungary are largely ceremonial. The office can veto legislation, but only for constitutional reasons, and can refer bills to the Constitutional Court. Baka's legal background could make him more likely to use these tools, but he will still need the support of a parliament dominated by the opposition to effect any substantive change.
For workers and households, the most immediate impact may be indirect. A president willing to question the government's legislative agenda could slow down the passage of controversial reforms, including those affecting labour law, social security and public services. If the opposition can leverage Baka's position to push for a new constitution that respects EU standards, it could improve Hungary's access to EU funds, which many regions rely on for infrastructure and social projects.
Trade unions have welcomed the development, noting that a president with a strong legal pedigree could provide a useful check on policies that erode collective‑bargaining rights. The Hungarian Confederation of Trade Unions (MSzOSz) issued a brief statement saying, "We look forward to a president who will defend the constitutional guarantees that protect workers and the most vulnerable."
Business groups remain cautious. The Hungarian Chamber of Commerce warned that "political uncertainty can deter investment," and urged the new president to focus on stability rather than confrontation.
The Tisza coalition now faces the task of drafting a new constitution, a process that will likely dominate Hungarian politics for the next few years. Baka's role will be to ensure that any draft complies with European human‑rights standards and that the president's constitutional veto is exercised responsibly.
Prime Minister Magyar, who has been criticised for his handling of the presidential selection, will need to navigate a delicate balance between asserting his government's agenda and accommodating a president who may not automatically endorse every decree.
As Hungary moves toward a constitutional rewrite, the eyes of Brussels, the European Court of Human Rights and domestic civil society will be fixed on how the new president uses his limited powers to influence the country's democratic trajectory.