Nordic left parties champion conscription as Europe expands defence budgets — UnionPress

Sweden and Finland's left‑wing parties back a universal draft, arguing that a well‑funded welfare state and societal cohesion are essential to Europe's security response to Russia.

Sweden and Finland have seen their left‑wing parties openly endorse the re‑introduction of mandatory military service, a stance that contrasts sharply with the protests raging in Germany over similar reforms. The debate comes as European governments plan to double defence spending to around €800 billion a year by 2030, a response to what they see as an escalating Russian threat.

When Sweden's centre‑right coalition scrapped conscription in 2010, the Swedish Left party voted to retain the draft. Former party leader Jonas Sjöstedt, now a Member of the European Parliament, told UnionPress that the decision was rooted in a belief that defence is a collective insurance policy for the whole society. "When the conservative government ended conscription, we as the Swedish Left voted to keep the draft," he recalled.

In 2017 the Social Democratic government reinstated the draft, and today it enjoys support across the political spectrum. "We have more young people wanting to serve than the armed forces can accommodate," Sjöstedt said, noting that of the roughly 100,000 18‑year‑olds screened each year, only about five per cent of the most motivated candidates are actually taken on.

Public sentiment in Sweden reflects this enthusiasm. Surveys indicate that one in two Swedes of fighting age, men and women alike, would be prepared to take up arms if war broke out, a figure that outstrips the United Kingdom and Germany. The emotional impact of the war in Ukraine, Sjöstedt argues, has turned defence into a matter of national self‑determination: "Defence is like an insurance for your house."

Finland's left‑wing leader Li Andersson, also a Member of the European Parliament and former education minister, frames conscription as part of a broader social contract. Finland maintains a draft for all men, and roughly one million Finns have completed at least 165 days of service. Andersson stresses that security policy cannot be divorced from welfare policy: "If we only spend on defence and cut funds from everything else, we won't have safer societies."

The Finnish model couples military readiness with strong labour‑market and educational measures that give young people a tangible future. Historical memory of the Soviet‑Finnish wars of the 1940s, combined with the country's recent accession to NATO in April 2023, has forged a high level of public commitment. Finland can mobilise a wartime force of about 280,000 from a reserve of 900,000 in a nation of 5.6 million. Four in five Finns say they would personally take part in national defence if an attack occurred, a rate that exceeds most of their European neighbours.

Andersson warns that compulsory service cannot thrive in a society lacking cohesion: "If you don't have strong social cohesion and the capability of building that trust in the future among people, and then try to push for compulsory military service, that sounds difficult to me."

Across the continent, governments are scrambling to meet the NATO target of 2 percent of gross domestic product on defence, with many aiming for 3 percent or more. Germany, for example, is on track to allocate 3.5 percent of GDP to its armed forces by 2030. Yet recruitment shortfalls have prompted a legal provision that would allow the German government to reinstate conscription if volunteer numbers fall below required thresholds.

Since December 2025, tens of thousands of German high‑school students have staged strikes against the proposed reform, arguing that the state is shifting the burden of defence onto young citizens while simultaneously cutting welfare. Chancellor Friedrich Merz has announced cuts of about €19 billion to public health insurance, framing the move as necessary because "the country can no longer afford the welfare state." Critics contend that such cuts undermine the very social cohesion that the Nordic left argue is essential for a legitimate defence force.

The Nordic experience suggests a different formula: invest in welfare, education and housing while maintaining a universal draft that reflects the diversity of society. Sjöstedt insists that a conscript army must be inclusive and free from nationalist excesses. "We have to fight the dark side of militarism. It shouldn't be a nationalistic project, but reflect the modern Sweden that we have," he said, adding that no one should be forced to carry weapons against their will.

Both Sjöstedt and Andersson stress that a truly democratic military must be gender‑balanced, free from sexism, and open to all citizens regardless of background. In Sweden, military leadership has taken part in Pride parades, a gesture that, according to Sjöstedt, is seen as genuine inclusion rather than "pinkwashing".

For European workers, the debate raises questions about where public money will flow. If governments follow the German model of trimming welfare to fund defence, lower‑income households could face higher out‑of‑pocket costs for health care and social services. Conversely, the Nordic approach argues that a robust welfare state underpins national resilience, potentially reducing the need for emergency spending during crises.

Andersson links defence spending to broader socioeconomic goals: "We need a huge cost‑of‑living programme, address the housing crisis, and enable big investment to cut fossil‑fuel dependency. It's the link between all of these actions that is needed for real security." By tying military readiness to climate policy and affordable housing, the Finnish left proposes a holistic security strategy that could mitigate the regressive impact of higher defence taxes on working families.

The next months will test whether the Nordic model can influence policy elsewhere in Europe. Germany's draft provision remains dormant, but the legal framework is in place. In the United Kingdom, the Labour Party has signalled openness to a form of national service, though not a full conscription. In France, President Emmanuel Macron has hinted at expanding the "service national" to include civilian projects, a move that could echo the Nordic emphasis on societal cohesion.

For now, the left‑wing parties in Sweden and Finland continue to champion a draft that they say is as much about social solidarity as it is about military capability. Their argument rests on the premise that a society that invests in its people can field an army that truly represents those people, and that such an army is more likely to enjoy public trust.

Whether other European states will adopt a similar blend of welfare‑first security policy remains uncertain. What is clear is that the conversation about conscription is no longer confined to the far right or to defence ministries; it has entered the broader arena of social democracy, where questions of equality, inclusion and the distribution of public resources are being debated alongside the looming spectre of Russian aggression.