Orban's far-right allies rally in Budapest as polls show him trailing opposition
The Patriots' Grand Assembly in Budapest's Millenaris Park was meant to be a show of strength. Marine Le Pen, Geert Wilders, Santiago Abascal and video messages from Matteo Salvini and Herbert Kickl lined up behind Viktor Orban on Monday, four days before Hungarians go to the polls. The optics were clear: Europe's most prominent nationalist leaders anointing the Hungarian prime minister as their standard-bearer. The reality was thinner. Roughly 2,000 people turned up, most of them older Fidesz loyalists, in a park that holds many times that number. The event felt less like a movement surging and more like a circle closing in on itself.
Orban's guests competed in hyperbole. Wilders called him a "lion". Salvini praised a "true hero". Kickl, in a recorded message, said Orban was "the only one who can see among the blind in Brussels". Orban himself delivered what even sympathetic observers described as a tired greatest-hits set: Brussels is collapsing, Hungary is thriving, patriotic forces will take the European Parliament. The rhetoric echoed the communist-era congresses where party secretaries announced record harvests while shelves stood empty. In the Hungarian countryside, where EU funds have not translated into visible prosperity, the disconnect is visible.
Bulcsu Hunyadi, head of research at the Political Capital consultancy in Budapest, put it bluntly: "Events like this are a communication offensive tailored to the pre-election period. They are meant to demonstrate how many international allies Viktor Orban has and portray him as a significant player in global politics. But if you look closely, they only reach an audience that is already sympathetic to Orban." The Patriots for Europe group in the European Parliament, after which the rally was named, exists largely because Orban built it. Its utility at home is questionable.
The parliamentary election on 12 April is the first since 2018 where Orban faces a united opposition. The Tisza Party, led by Peter Magyar, a former Fidesz insider turned whistleblower, has surged in polls since its formation last year. Most recent surveys show Tisza ahead of Fidesz by a margin that ranges from high single digits to mid-teens. Orban's response has been to pour state resources into the campaign, personnel, advertising, infrastructure, in ways that opposition lawyers and OSCE observers say breach electoral law. The government denies wrongdoing, but the scale of mobilisation suggests anxiety, not confidence.
Orban has framed the election as a binary choice: war or peace. He argues that a Tisza victory would drag Hungary into the Ukraine conflict, while his leadership guarantees neutrality. The message plays on real war-weariness, especially in rural areas. But it collides with a string of domestic scandals that have nothing to do with Brussels or Moscow and everything to do with how power has been exercised in Budapest.
The most vivid symbol of the corruption allegations is a toilet brush. When the independent outlet 444.hu won a years-long legal battle to obtain documents on the renovation of the National Bank of Hungary (MNB) headquarters, they revealed a project costing roughly €275 million ($319 million). Among the line items: a private bathroom for then-governor Gyorgy Matolcsy fitted with gold and black marble, golden toilet brushes and golden toilet paper holders. The Matolcsy family and the central bank have featured in investigative reporting for years. Matolcsy's son Adam and his circle were found to have channelled public funds into a network of foundations that financed luxury lifestyles. The golden fixtures, trivial in monetary terms, have become a metonym for a system that treats public money as private purse.
Matolcsy left the governorship in 2024, replaced by Mihaly Varga, a long-time Orban loyalist. The renovation contracts were awarded under Fidesz-appointed leadership. The scandal has penetrated beyond the usual opposition media: state television has been forced to report on it, albeit briefly, because the documentation is now in the public domain. For voters who have watched their real wages stagnate while inflation peaked above 25 percent in 2023, the image of a central banker's gold bathroom resonates.
North of Budapest, the Samsung SDI battery factory in Göd has operated for years in breach of environmental permits. Workers were exposed to heavy-metal dust; monitoring data showed exceedances of cadmium and lead limits. The government knew. According to reporting by Atlatszo and 444.hu, Foreign Minister Peter Szijjarto intervened to prevent sanctions against the plant. Samsung is a major foreign investor; Hungary's economic model depends on attracting such plants with generous subsidies and light regulation. The Göd case suggests the trade-off includes worker health and legal accountability.
Local residents have protested for months. The factory continues to expand. The government's defence, that jobs and investment outweigh regulatory enforcement, is economically coherent but politically toxic when paired with the Matolcsy renovation. It reinforces a narrative of an elite that enriches itself and its corporate partners while ordinary Hungarians breathe the consequences.
The most damaging revelation for Orban's sovereignty brand concerns Peter Szijjarto. Investigative journalist Szabolcs Panyi published a transcript of a 2020 conversation between Szijjarto and Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov in which the Hungarian minister asks for campaign assistance for populist parties in Slovakia. More recently, it emerged that Szijjarto made regular calls to Moscow from the European Council building in Brussels during summit meetings, briefing the Kremlin on EU deliberations. Szijjarto admitted the calls but described them as standard diplomatic practice.
The admission is extraordinary. A minister of an EU member state, sitting in the room where the Union's most sensitive foreign policy discussions occur, phones the adversary's capital to report back. Orban's government routinely accuses opponents of being foreign agents, funded by George Soros, directed by Brussels, puppets of Washington. The Szijjarto revelations invert the charge. They also explain why the Kremlin views Orban as an asset: he provides access, not merely rhetoric.
On Szell Kalman Square, a few hundred metres from Millenaris Park, most passers-by had not heard of the Patriots' Grand Assembly. Those who had were unimpressed. Dani, a man in his mid-twenties, called it "pathetic". "The fact they still think it's convincing to play the role of the great Hungarian is unpleasant," he said. The disconnect between the rally's grandeur and the street's apathy mirrors the polling gap. Fidesz's core vote, pensioners, rural communities, public-sector workers dependent on state largesse, remains loyal. But it is shrinking. The opposition's challenge is to turn that shrinkage into a parliamentary majority under a mixed electoral system that still favours the incumbent.
Hungary's electoral system combines single-member constituencies with a national list tier. Fidesz redrew the constituency map in 2011, packing opposition voters into fewer districts. The opposition must win a majority of the 106 constituency seats to overcome the list distortion, a tall order even with a polling lead. Orban also controls the vast majority of rural media, the state advertising budget, and a network of loyalty through municipal governments and state-linked employers. The Patriots' Grand Assembly was not designed to persuade undecided voters; it was designed to signal to the faithful that the international coalition holds, that the leader is still the lion, that the golden toilet brush is a distraction. Whether that signal reaches beyond Millenaris Park will be answered on 12 April.
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