Starmer's chief of staff makes quiet Brussels trip as EU reset takes shape
Keir Starmer's chief of staff, Morgan McSweeney, travelled to Brussels in December for a series of private meetings with European Union counterparts, the clearest sign yet that Number 10 is moving from rhetorical reset to structured negotiation. The trip, which went unreported at the time, came as Downing Street prepares to appoint both a dedicated foreign affairs adviser to replace John Bew and a senior civil servant who will lead technical talks with the EU under the supervision of Cabinet Office minister Nick Thomas-Symonds.
The McSweeney visit illustrates a deliberate shift in style. A Number 10 source put it bluntly: "Our guy prefers that private meetings remain private rather than trying to use the media as a tool during negotiations." The line was aimed squarely at the Conservative record, when Brussels summits were often preceded by leaked position papers and performative statements designed for domestic consumption. Since July, Starmer has avoided grand set-piece speeches on Europe, preferring a channel that runs through Paris as much as through the European Commission.
That bilateral track is now unmistakable. The prime minister's dinner with Emmanuel Macron at Chequers this week was their seventh meeting since the election, a pace without recent precedent. Downing Street said the pair discussed the EU reset, small boat crossings, Ukraine, the Middle East, growth, defence, security, artificial intelligence and energy. Macron described the evening as "a great opportunity" to discuss EU-UK relations and "the main crisis" in Ukraine. The frequency of contact suggests Starmer calculates that French agreement, or at least acquiescence, is a prerequisite for any meaningful movement in Brussels.
McSweeney's Brussels trip also reveals how thin the foreign policy bench has been. Until now the chief of staff, a domestic operator by background, has been doubling as the prime minister's de facto national security adviser, shuttling between Florida to meet Donald Trump's team and Brussels to sound out EU officials. Allies acknowledge he is aware of the experience gap. The imminent appointment of a senior foreign affairs adviser, likely from a diplomatic or academic background, is intended to plug it. Bew, a historian who served Boris Johnson, Liz Truss and Rishi Sunak, left when Labour arrived; his replacement will report directly to the prime minister rather than to the Cabinet Office.
In parallel, the government is recruiting a senior official to act as the UK's lead negotiator in talks with the EU. That person will sit in the Cabinet Office under Thomas-Symonds but will work "closely with Number 10", according to Whitehall sources. The dual reporting line is designed to keep the political direction in Downing Street while giving the technical negotiations a stable institutional home. It also mirrors the structure the EU itself uses, where the Commission's task force operates under a political commissioner but relies on career officials for day-to-day drafting.
The government's public red lines have not moved. Labour's manifesto commitment not to rejoin the single market or the customs union is described by senior figures as "clear and would not be broken". A full youth mobility scheme, which the Commission has pushed as a condition for closer ties, is also ruled out. One government source put the political logic plainly: "We can't then say we'll bring in a load of Bulgarian builders to construct the houses we need." The reference to net migration targets, itself a manifesto pledge, explains why any arrangement that looks like free movement for workers is off the table.
What remains negotiable is narrower. Officials suggest an Erasmus-style university exchange scheme could be agreed, limited to students rather than young workers. The EU would prefer a broader youth mobility pact covering employment, but the principle of one-year academic exchanges is "potentially on the table". Defence and energy cooperation are further areas where both sides see mutual advantage without treaty-level integration. A veterinary agreement to reduce sanitary checks on agrifood trade is also under discussion, though it would require dynamic alignment on standards, a phrase that still triggers Conservative accusations of rule-taking.
Migration is the binding constraint on the entire reset. Starmer campaigned on reducing both net and legal migration, and the Home Office has since tightened visa rules for care workers, students and skilled migrants. Any EU deal that appears to liberalise movement for young Europeans would be portrayed by the opposition as a betrayal of that promise. The government's calculation is that a student-only Erasmus scheme is defensible because it does not add to the labour market, but even that will require careful presentation. The EU, for its part, has made youth mobility a political test of British seriousness; dropping it entirely risks signalling that the reset is only about trade facilitation.
Whitehall sources describe the eventual package as a series of sector-specific agreements rather than a single comprehensive treaty. Veterinary alignment, mutual recognition of professional qualifications, easier touring arrangements for artists, data adequacy renewal, and joint research programmes, including Horizon Europe association, already secured, form the skeleton. Defence industrial cooperation, particularly on munitions and maritime surveillance, is being negotiated separately through NATO and bilateral channels. Energy interconnectors and carbon border adjustment coordination round out the list. "No surprises" is the phrase Number 10 uses: each element will be announced only when the text is settled.
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