Ukraine announces liberation of 26 villages and 745 square kilometres in Oleksandrivka sector — UnionPress

President Zelensky said the operation, begun on 29 January, has driven Russian forces from most villages in Dnipropetrovsk oblast, marking the biggest territorial gain since the autumn 2022 counter‑offensives.

President Volodymyr Zelensky on Wednesday disclosed that Ukrainian forces have reclaimed 26 villages and roughly 745 square kilometres of land in the Oleksandrivka direction, the most extensive area liberated since the Kharkiv‑Kherson push of autumn 2022. The announcement ends weeks of silence surrounding the operation, which began on 29 January and has been conducted under strict operational security (OPSEC).

The reclaimed territory stretches between the settlements of Novopavlivka and Ternuvate, extending toward Velyka Novosilka. Most of the villages lie in Dnipropetrovsk oblast, with a smaller number in neighbouring Zaporizhzhia and Donetsk regions. Apart from the village of Dachne, Ukrainian troops have reportedly cleared all settlements in Dnipropetrovsk of Russian occupiers, although some pockets remain in a contested "grey zone".

According to the president, Ukrainian forces killed 9,550 Russian soldiers and wounded another 6,600 during the six‑month push. He described the operation as "precise" and "exactly according to plan". Military analyst Bohdan Myroshnykov echoed the praise, noting that air‑assault troops, marines, mechanised units and unmanned‑system operators all performed "extremely well".

Open‑source intelligence (OSINT) platforms have begun to visualise the shift. The Ukrainian‑run DeepState UA map now shows an increase of 241 square kilometres under Ukrainian control and a corresponding reduction of 118 square kilometres in Russian‑held areas, the difference reflecting a shrinking grey zone. By contrast, the Institute for the Study of War (ISW) records a more conservative gain of 627 square kilometres since the start of the offensive, suggesting a gap between official figures and independent assessments.

Maps published by the Russian‑aligned Slivochny Kapriz account still depict the front line further east, underscoring the divergent narratives that persist despite the new data. The disparity highlights the difficulty of obtaining reliable, real‑time information from a battlefield where both sides have deliberately limited public disclosures.

For months, Ukrainian units and pro‑Ukrainian analysts refrained from sharing details of the operation. French OSINT specialist Clément Molin noted that the only exception was the Skala regiment, which released footage in an attempt to mask internal problems. Molin argued that the blanket OPSEC was intended to keep the focus on the battlefield rather than on media scrutiny, a tactic that, while effective, left observers "groping in the dark".

Even the Ukrainian General Staff has curtailed the release of data on Russian missile attacks. While the number of drones intercepted continues to be reported, figures for ballistic and cruise missiles are now limited to the weapon type, not the quantity or interception success. Air Force spokesperson Yurii Ihnat explained that publishing a zero‑intercept count for a large missile salvo would only fuel Russian propaganda and demoralise the Ukrainian public.

The Oleksandrivka sector is not the war's primary flashpoint; the fiercest fighting remains around the major Donbas cities where Russian forces are still attempting to seize ground. Nonetheless, the scale of the recent gains is noteworthy. The 745 square kilometres reclaimed surpass the 376 square kilometres liberated during the summer 2023 counter‑offensive, which yielded 14 villages, according to The New York Times. It also exceeds the 900 square kilometres briefly held during Ukraine's 2024 incursion into Russia's Kursk oblast.

U.S. analyst Rob Lee observed that Ukraine's February and May advances in this sector outpaced Russian gains across the entire front, suggesting a temporary shift in momentum. However, he cautioned that the overall impact remains limited, as no towns have been recaptured and the front line is still far from the strategic objectives in the Donbas.

The ISW attributes Ukraine's recent progress to several interlinked developments: improved operational planning, a focused campaign to neutralise Russian air defences, intensified medium‑range strikes on logistics hubs, superior drone tactics at the tactical level, and the disruption of Russian Starlink communications in February. These elements have forced Russia to keep units in the sector that might otherwise have been redeployed elsewhere.

Ukrainian forces also launched a major strike on the Russian Black Sea Fleet's base at Novorossiysk, employing a mix of Palianytsia, Peklo and Bars drone‑launched missiles, the Neptune anti‑ship missile, nine types of aerial drones and naval drones. While the exact damage to the two Kalibr‑armed frigates remains unclear, the operation demonstrates Ukraine's growing ability to project power deep into Russian‑held territory.

For European governments, the development offers a mixed signal. On one hand, the ability of Ukrainian forces to regain ground, even on a secondary front, reinforces the argument that sustained Western military aid, particularly in the form of air‑defence systems, drones and intelligence support, remains vital. On the other hand, the modest scale of the gains underscores the limits of a purely kinetic approach to a conflict that is increasingly hybrid, with information warfare and cyber operations playing a decisive role.

European Union officials have repeatedly stressed the need for a "comprehensive" response that couples military assistance with diplomatic pressure on Moscow. The latest Ukrainian claim may bolster calls within the EU for further sanctions targeting Russian logistics and defence procurement, sectors that the ISW identifies as critical to sustaining the offensive.

Local Ukrainian officials in the liberated villages have begun the arduous task of restoring basic services. In many cases, infrastructure was heavily damaged during the months of occupation, and de‑mining operations are still underway. Residents report a mixture of relief and anxiety, aware that Russian forces could attempt counter‑attacks to retake the newly liberated settlements.

Russian‑aligned media have largely ignored the Ukrainian announcement, continuing to portray the front as static. Some Russian outlets have hinted at "temporary setbacks" but have not provided concrete figures, reflecting a broader pattern of information control on both sides of the conflict.

The Ukrainian General Staff, now under the command of General Mykhailo Drapatyi, appears to be shifting its communication strategy. By limiting the flow of operational details, the leadership may be seeking to protect future offensives from premature exposure. However, this approach also risks reducing public morale and complicating the work of independent analysts who monitor the war's progress.

For now, the Oleksandrivka operation stands as the most significant territorial gain for Ukraine since 2022, albeit on a front that does not directly threaten the major urban centres still contested in the east. Whether this momentum can be translated into further advances, or whether it will stall as the "grey zone" stabilises, remains to be seen.

What is clear is that the war's information battlefield is as contested as the physical one. As Ukraine tightens OPSEC, European observers will have to rely more on satellite imagery, OSINT groups and occasional official briefings to gauge the conflict's trajectory. The balance between transparency and security will continue to shape how the war is reported and understood across the continent.